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- <text id=91TT1367>
- <title>
- June 24, 1991: India:Mahatma vs. Rama
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1991
- June 24, 1991 Thelma & Louise
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- WORLD, Page 35
- INDIA
- Mahatma vs. Rama
- </hdr><body>
- <p>How a mild-mannered politician named L.K. Advani is leading a
- movement that threatens to tear the country apart
- </p>
- <p>By EDWARD W. DESMOND/NEW DELHI
- </p>
- <p> In the nearly 44 years since India became independent,
- one vision of politics and society has reigned supreme. It
- interweaves two powerful strands: Congress Party leader
- Jawaharlal Nehru's legacy of a secular, socialist government;
- and the nonviolence and religious tolerance exemplified by
- Mahatma Gandhi, the ascetic Hindu champion. In elections
- concluded late last week, that tradition faces an unprecedented
- challenge from a movement that proudly proclaims itself to be
- the antithesis of what Nehru, and to some extent Gandhi,
- represented. It rejects the "foreign" influences of Islam,
- Christianity, capitalism and socialism, and aspires to restore
- Rama Rajya, a mythical golden age of Hindu civilization when the
- Hindu god Rama ruled. In less than two years, the movement's
- political arm, the Bharatiya Janata Party, led by L.K. Advani,
- 63, has moved from the margins to the center of Indian politics.
- </p>
- <p> The rise of the Hindu nationalists, like the upsurge of
- Islamic politics in the Arab world, reflects widespread
- disillusionment with the leftist political order that dominated
- the freedom movements in the colonial world after World War II.
- In India, Advani and other B.J.P. politicians draw huge crowds
- to hear them rip into the Congress for the billions wasted on
- unproductive, state-owned industry, the alleged "pampering" of
- Muslims or the downplaying of Hindu tradition in favor of
- "pseudo secularism"--their catchall term for Congress
- politicians who claim to be blind to religion but play to Muslim
- sentiments. Nehru, Gandhi and Congress still have a legion of
- defenders, but the tide is not with them. "The existing order
- is in a state of decomposition," writes Girilal Jain, a former
- editor of the Times of India. "Like the Soviets, we are facing
- the moment of truth. The Nehru model has exhausted its potential
- for good."
- </p>
- <p> The B.J.P. has been waiting a long time for that turn of
- the wheel. The party traces its lineage to the 1920s, when a
- young doctor named Keshav Baliram Hedgewar founded the R.S.S.,
- or National Volunteer Corps; its members today form the core of
- the B.J.P..Hedgewar believed that divisions of caste, sect and
- language made Hindu society weak and an easy victim of foreign,
- especially Muslim, domination.
- </p>
- <p> Hedgewar argued that the only way to restore Hindu vigor
- was to stir a sense of martial nationalism in Hindus. The
- R.S.S., which has grown quickly in recent years to nearly
- 100,000 members, emphasizes fighting arts and militant Hindu
- pride, choosing as its heroes figures like Shivaji, a 17th
- century Hindu king who successfully fought the Muslim Mogul
- emperors.
- </p>
- <p> The B.J.P. has shaped Hedgewar's thoughts into a political
- juggernaut. Central to their political success is the promotion
- of Rama, the warrior god of the Hindu Ramayana epic, and a
- dilapidated 16th century mosque in the north Indian town of
- Ayodhya. The B.J.P. claims the site marks Rama's birthplace but
- that Mogul rulers destroyed a Hindu temple there and built a
- mosque in its place. There is no conclusive evidence of that
- claim, but as a point of Hindu self-esteem, the B.J.P. demands
- that the mosque be moved and a huge temple to Rama built on the
- spot. Muslims have resisted that demand, as have all of India's
- governments to date, providing the B.J.P. with an explosive
- platform. Last October, Rama's fanatical devotees stormed the
- heavily policed mosque, and at least 30 died. The incident
- sparked Hindu-Muslim riots that left more than 500 dead, the
- majority of them Muslims.
- </p>
- <p> The B.J.P. uses the Ayodhya issue to stir Hindu anger, but
- Advani is always careful to stress that he does not advocate
- violence against Muslims or harsh treatment of any minorities
- if the B.J.P. comes to power. What the B.J.P. advocates
- officially seems mild--an end to Muslim personal law in civil
- matters and restrictions on religious schools for all
- minorities. But in practice, B.J.P. workers are full of hatred
- for Muslims and regularly provoke violent confrontations. Says
- Qari Moinuddin, a Muslim politician in Jaipur: "They meet you
- on the street and say, `Long Live Rama!' and if you don't
- respond, they will kill you, or at least break your head."
- </p>
- <p> To broaden its appeal, the B.J.P. in recent months has
- de-emphasized religion. Instead, it has promoted the party as
- the disciplined, ultra-nationalist remedy for the mounting
- ailments afflicting India, in particular the secessionist
- movements in Punjab, Kashmir and Assam and mounting sectarian
- and political violence. Since Rajiv Gandhi's assassination last
- month, the B.J.P. has appropriated the Congress slogan of
- "Stability" and argued that Gandhi's party, without a Nehru
- scion at the top, has become too shaky to lead India. Said
- Advani last week: "The B.J.P. appears to the common voter as the
- only oasis of stability in a scenario where all other parties
- seem to be on the verge of disintegration." It is up to Indian
- voters to decide whether the B.J.P. is the new messiah or one
- of the culprits in the country's instability.
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
-
-